Discourse Analysis (on Code Switching)

Code Switching of L2 Learners in English Classroom

INTRODUCTION

            Code switching as defined by Dictionary.com (2010) is the alternate use of two or more languages or varieties of language, especially within the same discourse. To Allwords.com (2010), it is the phenomenon of alternating between two or more languages during spoken conversation. These definitions are true in the Philippine setting for many Filipinos are bilingual. Some of them could alternately speak Filipino, English and/or other vernaculars depending on the domain of situation. Thus, Filipino language today is widely influenced by various cultures and languages resulting to code switching.

Crystal (1987) as mentioned in Skiba (1997) suggests that code switching occurs when a bilingual individual alternates between two languages during his/her speech. A bilingual speaker is capable of communicating, to varying extents, in a second language. To Crystal (1987), “this includes those who make irregular use of a second language, are able to use a second language but have not for some time (dormant bilingualism) or those who have considerable skill in a second language”. This type of alteration, or code switching, between languages occurs commonly amongst bilinguals and may take a number of different forms, including alteration of sentences, phrases from both languages succeeding each other and switching in a long narrative. Berthold, Mangubhai and Bartorowicz (1997) supplement the definition of code switching, thus, far with the notion that it occurs where 'speakers change from one language to another in the midst of their conversations'.

In the academe, many English teachers for a very long time have been encouraging their students to use L2 instead of L1 in the language classroom to maximize the amount of time spent using the target language and to improve learning efficiency. Some teachers are prohibiting students from using their mother tongue. Some are imposing policies or even penalties to their students who speak in their L1.

The study of Eldridge (2004) described and analyzed the code-switching of young learners in a Turkish secondary school. It showed that “there is no empirical evidence to support the notion that restricting mother tongue use would necessarily improve learning efficiency, and that the majority of code-switching in the classroom is highly purposeful, and related to pedagogical goals.” He suggested that:

“the issue of how we treat language alternation in the classroom is of central methodological importance and it will be argued that has enormous implications for practicing language teachers. It is therefore, vital that we understand precisely its causes, motivations, and effects, and that until that point we avoid making rash, censorial judgments on its classroom manifestations” (Eldridge 2004).

In response to Eldridge’s recommendations, this paper focuses on analyzing the occurrence of code switching in the discourse of students in a Philippine Literature class. Specifically, it aims to assess the frequency of code switching among the respondents; determine the kinds of code switching which are performed by the respondents; and explain the reason why they perform code switching in their utterances.

METHODOLOGY

Data Gathering:

The collection of data for the study was conducted at AMA-Cavite Campus, with the respondents coming from the English-7 (Philippine Literature) class which was composed of 17 third year college students, taking up Bachelor of Science in Information Technology.  The researcher used “judgment sampling” (Schilling-Estes, 2007) which involves using one’s judgment to decide in advance what types of speakers to include in the study. Furthermore, “this sampling is appropriate if one is fairly familiar with the basic characteristics of the population…” (Milroy & Gordon, 2003). Moreover, the class was selected to be the respondent and source of data for the study because they already finished basic English courses such as Communication Skills, Writing in the Discipline and Speech Communication; which allows the researcher to hypothesize that they have already acquired the basic competencies in using L2.

The discussion of English-7 class was video recorded for ten minutes and was then transcribed in order to serve as primary data for the analysis and interpretation. According to Schilling-Estes (2007), “video-recording in addition to audio can add much valuable information to sociolinguistic accounts of interactions or communities...” The researcher also conducted an interview among the respondents in order to gather substantial information on the reason why students do code switching.

Data Coding:

Data analysis was conducted, first, by determining the frequency of code switching which occur during the discourse. This was done by counting the total number of student utterances versus the occurrence of utterances with code switching.

Secondly, the researcher identified the kind of code switching that usually occurs among students. This was done by extracting all the utterances with code switching from the data, and classifying them based on Poplack‘s (1979 & 1980) category, mentioned by Metila (2009) which include the following:

• Inter-sentential Code Switching
• Tag Switching
• Intra-sentential Code Switching

Finally, the reasons why the respondents do code switching were categorized. The researcher conducted interviews among them, with set of questions anchored in the core question: Why do students shift from L2 to L1 in their utterances? The interview was conducted to shed light and explain the reason why the students switched codes during their English-7 class. The code switching categories followed Sauza (1991), as quoted by Bautista (2000) which includes the following:

• Competency related code switching
• Culturally related code switching
• Communicative related code switching

DISCUSSION

Frequency of Switching

            The data provided 15 utterances with code switching which comprises 45% of the total 33 recorded student utterances. This manifests that code switching among the respondents is moderately frequent. It is also noticeable that almost all the respondents who took participation in the class discussion during the video recording performed code switching in their discourses almost indiscriminately. The following table shows the frequency of code switching among individual respondents:

TABLE 1: Student Utterances and Code Switching

RESPONDENT	TOTAL NUMBER OF UTTERANCE	ENGLISH UTTERANCE	TAGALOG UTTERANCE	UTTERANCES WITH CODE SWITCHING
Student 1	3	3	0	0
Student 2	5	0	1	4
Student 3	4	2	1	1
Student 4	2	1	0	1
Student 5	5	3	0	2
Student 6	3	2	0	1
Student 7	6	1	1	4
Student 8	5	2	1	2
TOTAL:	33	14	4	15

           

Table 1 shows that 7 out of 8 students performed code switching in their discourse. It also manifests that some respondents, such as S2 and S7, even more frequently perform code switching than to do their utterances purely in L2, given the fact that the discourse setting is in the English class and L2 should be the priority language. Notably, minimal occurrence of pure L1 usage has been recorded from S2, S3, S7 and S8 whereas each of them performed single utterance using L1; while the majority of the respondents performed L2 utterances along with code switching throughout the discourse. Undeniably, the data reinforces the truth of Filipino bilingualism and the presence of code switching in the Philippine setting, as represented by the respondents.

Kinds of Switching (Poclack, 1979 & 1980)

TABLE 2: Code Switching (CS) Performed by Students (S)

KIND OF CS	S1	S2	S3	S4	S5	S6	S7	S8	TOTAL
INTER-SENTETIAL	0	1	1	0	0	0	2	1	5
TAG SWITCHING	0	1	0	0	2	0	0	0	3
INTRA-SENTENTIAL	0	3	0	1	1	1	4	2	12

Table 2 shows that all the three kinds of code switching are performed by the respondents. For instance, inter-sentential code switching occurs outside the sentence or the clause level (i.e. at sentence or clause boundaries). This switching is observed in the following utterances:

S2: Ako, okay sila sa akin! I like them because they are fun to be with and for being open individuals.

S7 : Yes sir! Yun ang mga gusto ko!

S7: They are fun to be with, but some of them are irrespectable. Dun sa ganun po ako nababad trip.

S3: Kasi po ang lalaki para sa babae at ang babae ay para sa lalaki. Ummm…So they are funny and sometimes they are irritating.

S8: …not only because they are gay and of what they do, but also because we are not ready… uhhh… Parang tipong hindi pa po sila talaga tanggap ng mga tao.

Tag switching is “the switching of either a tag phrase, or a word, or both…” (Wikipedia, 2011). According to Barredo (1997), “Tag switching involves the insertion of a tag in one language (e.g. you know, I mean, etc).” He also mentioned the inclusion of discourse markers such as “well, okay, all right”, interjections and affirmative/negative particles, following Shiffrin (1987). Such are highlighted in the following utterances:

S5: Kasi a woman … Ummm…Even in woman…Anu po… ummm…Just like lesbian, they are thoughtful and when they love, they are sincere and caring.

S2: Ako, okay sila sa akin!

S5: Oo saka okay naman sila pag walang malice ehh… Nakakatawa kaya ang jokes nila saka makulit! Parang laging may stand up comedy!

            Noticeably, the utterance of S5 also manifested the occurrence of single word insertions such as nouns: “malice” and “jokes”, and the NP “stand up comedy” which would fall under intra-sentential code switching. Barredo, mentioning Romaine (1987) says that intra-sentential switching also include mixing within word boundaries such as switching of NP, VP, PP, N, ADJ, etc. These are also highlighted in the following utterances:

S2: Sabagay! Yang mga yan may homophobia! (N)

S2: Oo nga. Buti na lang happy people sila. (NP)

S7: Nakakatawa po ang mga joke nila saka kwela sila magpatawa… (N)

S7: Saka sir diba sabi rin sa bible bawal ang bakla?! (N)

Furthermore, other intra-sentential code switching which occurs within a sentence or a clause boundary is manifested in the following utterances:

S2: I admire them sir, kasi kahit alam nilang against sa kanila ang mga tao sa paligid nila, they still don’t mind expressing what they feel especially mike nung hinawakan nya ang kamay ni Benjie sa loob ng bus.

S4: They are man, pero dahil po sa ginagawa nila para silang nagtatrying hard na maging babae lalo na si Benjie.

S6: And their actions are sometimes irritating, tipong babastusin!

S7: I like homosexuals who act naturally, yun bang walang malisya sir.

S8: Sir no. Uhhh… Feeling ko po kasi kaya sila di iginagalang is not only because they are gay and of what they do, but also because we are not ready…

            Notably, the following utterances with intra-sentential code switch begin with L1 followed by a switch in L2:

S7: “…Pwedeng tropa as long as walang malice!”

S8: “…Pero aminin nyo, they are good in making people laugh!”

Such pattern is also true in the following inter-sentential code switching which has been presented in earlier discussion:

S2: Ako, okay sila sa akin! I like them because they are fun to be with and for being open individuals.

S3: Kasi po ang lalaki para sa babae at ang babae ay para sa lalaki. Ummm…So they are funny and sometimes they are irritating.

           

These utterances provide evidences that code switching among Filipino bilinguals could also follow a pattern: L1 to L2 (L1àL2). Such utterances also manifests the preference of some speakers to use L1 over L2, whereas, the basic reason is the difficulty in expressing thoughts using L2. For instance, S7 when asked why he code switch answers, “Kasi po hindi ko maisip yung equivalent word sa utak ko…saka mas madali po pag Tagalog!”

Student Reasons for Code Switching

            Based on interview, the following reasons for performing code switching were given by the respondents:

1. Competency related code switching

a.       Hardship of expressing one’s thoughts in L2

b.      Difficulty in translating L1 to L2

c.       Limited L2 lexicon/vocabulary

2. Culturally related code switching

a.       Everybody does code switching and it is normal to everyone

3. Communicative related code switching

a.       For better understanding of the listeners and to provide additional inputs and examples

b.      To reiterate an argument and to emphasize a thought/opinion

c.       To adjust to some listeners who might misinterpret the L2 utterance

The above findings validate the result of the Students’ Survey by Matila (2009) which provided the following reasons for code switching: 

·         Easier self expression, loss of words (e.g. translation problems, not knowing the right words)

·          Influenced by people around

·          Natural already (habit)

·         Exposure to two languages  

·         Fluency in speaking both languages

·         There are some words that sound better in Tagalog than English and the other way around

·         To make the person speaking to more comfortable and for him to better understand the speaker

CONCLUSIONS/RECOMMENDATIONS

The study provided additional evidences in the occurrence of code switching among Filipino bilinguals as represented by the respondents. The moderate frequency of code switching also indicated an almost indiscriminate use of code switching among the respondents who sometimes even prefer to answer in L1. It recorded significant number of sample utterances that manifest code switching which varies between: intra-sentential switching, tag switching, and inter-sentential switching. It is also notable based on the data that Filipino bilinguals follow two patterns of switching even in an L2 environment, such as: L2àL1 and L1àL2.

The study also validated various reasons of speakers for code switching, which includes issues on competency, culture and communicativeness. The issue in competency should be the concern of L2 teachers. According to Bernardo (2005) as quoted by Borlongan (2009), “…code-switching can be a legitimate and potent resource for learning and teaching for bilingual students…” Moreover, educators must not forget that English medium of instruction especially in an L2 classroom should remain to be the language for formal class discussions and code switching should be regulated to discourage indiscriminate use.

References:

Bautista, Ma. Lourdes S. (2000). An analysis of functions of Tagalog-English code switching :data from one case. De La Salle University, Manila.

Barlongan, Arian M. (2009). Tagalog-English Code-Switching in English Language Classes: Frequency and Forms. De La Salle University.

Barredo, Inma M. (1997). Pragmatic functions of code switching among Basque-Spanish Bilinguals. University of Illinois. Retrieved at : http://webs.uvigo.esl/ssl/actas1997.

Crystal, D. (1987). The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge. Retrieved at: http://eltj.oxfordjournals.org.

Eldridge, John. (2004). Code-switching in a Turkish secondary school. Retrieved at: http://eltj.oxfordjournals.org.

Matila, Romylyn A. (2009). Decoding the switch: Looking at classroom code switching as a guide in teaching and learning. Retrieved at:  http://www.britishcouncil.org

Schilling-Estes, Natalie.  (2007). Sociolinguistic Fieldwork.

Skiba, Richard. (1997). Code switching as a countenance of language interference. Retrieved at: http://iteslj.org

Appendix:

Discourse Transcription

TEACHER: Ok thank you. Next…

S1: Sir I think they don’t act like a normal individual.

TEACHER: OK. They don’t act like normal individual... What do you mean?

S1: Uhhh… Sir, they imitate the girls. Like in their movements and speaking.

TEACHER: I see. Thank you! What about Charles?

S2: I admire them sir, kasi kahit alam nilang against sa kanila ang mga tao sa paligid nila, they still don’t mind expressing what they feel especially mike nung hinawakan nya ang kamay ni Benjie sa loob ng bus.

S3: They are funny! (Everybody laughs)

TEACHER: Funny?

S3: Kasi po ang lalaki para sa babae at ang babae ay para sa lalaki. Ummm…So they are funny and sometimes they are irritating. (laughs)

TEACHER: Ahhh… A man is meant to be for a woman and a woman is meant to be for a man. OK. But why are they irritating?

S4: (Raising his hand) And sir they are trying hard!         

TEACHER: Oh? Why trying hard?

S4: They are man, pero dahil po sa ginagawa nila para silang nagtatrying hard na maging babae lalo na si Benjie.

TEACHER: Does this mean you guys don’t like them?

S5: Me sir, I think it’s not that way. I actually admire them.

TEACHER: Aha…

S5: Kasi a woman … Ummm…Even in woman…Anu po… ummm…Just like lesbian, they are thoughtful and when they love, they are sincere and caring.

S3: Wow! Based on experience!? (Everybody laughs)

TEACHER: (Laughs) Ummm… Is that based on experience or based on observation?

S5: (Smiling) I just observed sir.

TEACHER: OK. Thank you. What do you think Leopoldo?

S6: Sir what I don’t like about gays is, sometimes they are offering different things to men.

TEACHER: So you don’t like it that way?

S6: Yes sir.

S7: (Raising his hand and proceeds to speaking)I like homosexuals who act naturally, yun bang walang malisya sir.  

TEACHER: I see!

S7: Nakakatawa po ang mga joke nila saka kwela sila magpatawa, ummm… They are fun to be with, but some of them are irrespectable. Dun sa ganun po ako nababad trip.

TEACHER: Irrespectable? What do you  mean?

S7: Sir, some of them offer indecent proposals. Ummm…and many of them are like maniac. They harass boys!

S6: And their actions are sometimes irritating, tipong babastusin!

TEACHER: Yes, maybe some of them. But I see some, just like Benjie, who acts accordingly.

S7 : (Raising his hand and speaks) Yes sir! Yun ang mga gusto ko! Pwedeng tropa as long as walang malice!

TEACHER: Do you think homosexuals are being discriminated?

S1: Yes sir. But its their fault!

S3: Oo nga! Tama! Tama! (laughs)

TEACHER: Ummm… Ok. What do you think Aiza?

S8: Yes sir. I think they are discriminated especially because our country is conservative.

S7: Saka sir diba sabi rin sa bible bawal ang bakla?!

(Everybody laughs)

TEACHER: Ummm… having that in the bible, do you think we treat homosexuals properly?

S8: Sir no. Uhhh…  Feeling ko po kasi kaya sila di iginagalang is not only because they are gay and of what they do, but also because we are not ready… uhhh… parang tipong hindi pa po sila talaga tanggap ng mga tao.

S2: (joins in) Ako ok sila sa akin! I like them because they are fun to be with and for being open individuals. Uhhh…Open in the sense that they are not afraid to express their difference.

S8: Yah! But the sad part is the discrimination and maltreatment.

S2: Oo nga. Buti na lang happy people sila.

S5: Yes they are fun to be with! (laughs)

S8: Ehh kaso konti lang yung tulad natin!

S2: Sabagay! (laughs) Yang mga yan may homophobia! (pointing to S1 and S3, everybody laughs)

S7: Eh totoo naman! Madami naman talagang kadiring bakla!

S8: Yah! Pero aminin nyo, they are good in making people laugh!

S2: Tama!

S5: Oo saka ok naman sila pag walang malice ehh… nakakatawa kaya ang jokes nila saka makulit! Parang laging may stand up comedy!

TEACHER: Yes. It is true. They have good humor, even true in the character of Benjie. In several scenes in the story you will notice his funny personality. Can you read on a portion which you think manifests this character of gays?

Wanted: A Chaperon (An Analysis Based on Feminist View)

THE EMPOWERED WOMEN

A Feminist Reading of Wilfrido Ma. Guerrero’s “Wanted: A Chaperon”

Introduction:

Feminism studies and advocates the rights of women. It aims to understand the nature of gender inequality, and examines women's social roles and lived experiences as reflected by literature. According to Judith Fetterley (1978), "Feminist criticism is a political act whose aim is not simply to interpret the world but to change it by changing the consciousness of those who read and their relation to what they read." Thus, Kolondy (1982) explains, “What unites and repeatedly invigorates feminist literary criticism... is neither dogma nor method but an acute and impassioned attentiveness to the ways in which primarily male structures of power are inscribed (or encoded) within our literary inheritance: the consequences of that encoding for women - as characters, as readers, and as writers; and, with that, a shared analytic concern for the implications of that encoding not only for a better understanding of the past but also for an improved reordering of the present and future.”

Feminist theory in literature analyzes a text in terms of how women have been portrayed in literature. It examines the political, social and economic subjugation of women in society. It looks at how the characters, the dialogue, the events and resolution of a piece of literature can serve to either reinforce or challenge stereotypical representations of women such as being weak—emotionally, mentally, intellectually, physically, etc; that women should always obey and submit to men; that they are the ones who should be protected by men because of their incapacity to do so; that women are bound to be mothers and wives, whereas such roles have their own stereotypes; that women are subordinates of men, and so on.   

This paper attempts to challenge these stereotypical representations of women. It deals with the strengths of women as presented in the drama, “Wanted: A Chaperon” by the Philippine National Artist for Literature, Wilfrido Ma. Guerrero. It highlights the ideal image of women which feminists are advocating. This paper also exposes the readers to the capabilities and potentials of women, equality of gender, and the flaws and weaknesses of the male gender, which is not commonly manifested by man’s literature—being masculinist in nature. Thus, according to Judith Fetterley (1978), “Until we can understand the assumptions in which we are drenched, we cannot know ourselves. And this drive to self-knowledge, for woman, is more than a search for   identity: it is part of her refusal of the self-destructiveness of male-dominated society.”    

Analysis:

            “Wanted: A Chaperon” is a satiric drama about a rich Filipino family whose father, Don Francisco, is enforcing a conservative image among his wife, Doña Petra, and children, Roberting and Nena. It presents the family’s quest in search for a better muchacho which leads to the search for chaperons who will look after the children, as a result of the disputes created by the sudden arrival of Doña Dolores and her son, Fred, in the family’s house, in addition to the mischievous issues created by Francisco, the muchaho and  Pablo, the mayordomo.

According to Fetterly in the book The Resisting Reader (1978), women’s image is “…the consequence of the patriarchal predication that to be human is to be male.” She also mentioned, “Feminism is a political act whose aim is not simply to interpret the world but to change it by changing the consciousness of those who read and their relation to what they read.” Notably, “Wanted: A Chaperon” presented negative attributes of men which are not usually highlighted in many literary works. One of these is being inconsistent, which is usually attributed to the female gender. The following dialogue manifests male inconsistency:

FRANCISCO. Aba! You just said I don't understand-that means I'm not capable of understanding. Now you say not to misunderstand you-meaning I'm capable of understanding pala. Make up your mind, Roberting!

Such authority manifested by the way the father speaks, characterized the patriarchal system which is one of the factors being opposed by Feminists. According to Millett (1969) “…the principles of patriarchy appear to be two fold: male shall dominate female, elder male shall dominate younger.” These are both manifested in the story through the character of Don Francisco who imposes his authority over his wife and his daughter, Nena, (first fold) and over his son Roberting (second fold). Moreover, being a persona who seeks for help or assistance, which is usually attributed to women, is also manifested by male gender in the story. Man’s being incapable to be in charge of his own welfare, an attitude which is commonly associated to women, is also highlighted in the following dialogues:

ROBERTING. You see, Father, what I'm driving at I~ I want-er -I want-my old allowance.

FRANCISCO (jumping). Diablos! You want your old allowance! You’re working and earning eight hundred, you don't pay me a single centavo for your board and lodging in my house-and now you re asking for your old allowance!

ROBERTING. I have so many expenses, Father.

FRANCISCO. How much have you got saved up in the bank?

ROBERTING. How can I save anything?

The aim of feminism, according to Fetterly (1978), “is not simply to interpret the world but to change it by changing the consciousness of those who read and their relation to what they read.” The conversation between the father and the son, in relation to Fetterly’s idea, obviously manifests some flaws of male gender—masculinity, which for a long time has been set to be the epitome of perfection, is now being demolished in favor of gender equality. Such demolition is impliedly manifested by the binary opposition between two male characters in the story: Don Francisco, the master of the house, the authority, the symbol of power, the patriarch; and Francisco, the servant, the foolish, the inefficient, the poor and uneducated, the weak… Hence, readers’ eyes are opened to see another reality about the male gender which is usually overlooked by many writers and readers of literature. Thus according to Millet in Sexual Politics (1969) “What goes largely unexamined, often even unacknowledged (yet is institutionalised nonetheless) in our social order, is the birthright priority whereby males rule females. She also mentioned, as quoted in the work of Fetterly (1978), “When a system of power is thoroughly in command, it has scarcely need to speak itself aloud; when its workings are exposed and questioned, it becomes not only subject to discussion, but even to change.”

            Such changes advocated by feminists are presented through the women characters in the “Wanted: A Chaperon”. They are portrayed in an unconventional manner, deviating with attitudes which do not follow the patterns that are expected by the masculine society from women.

Women power as highlighted by the dialogues of Doña Petra (a woman) over Francisco-the muchaco (a man). Several unrealized facts that manifest female prowess are as follow, vis-à-vis the dialogues:

1. It is not men who always make decisions; women are also capable to do so.

PETRA. I'm going to kick him out soon. He broke your plate again.

2. Women can be equally or even more powerful (intellectually, socially, emotionally, etc.) than men. Equal to men, they can also command authority and impose obedience. 

(FRANCISCO, the servant, enters. He is a dark, tall, thin boy. He looks foolish and is. He has his mouth open all the time.)

SERVANT. Opo, senora.

PETRA. Did you make that sign I told you?

SERVANT. The one you told me to make?

PETRA. (Emphatically). Of course!

SERVANT. No, senora. I didn't make it yet.

PETRA. And why not?

SERVANT. I forgot how it should be worded. I suddenly remember now.,

PETRA. Que estupido! Hala, go out and make it immediately! (SERVANT goes out.)

3. Women like men can also give logical and wise arguments, sometimes even better than the later. Their voice should be heard as well.

PETRA. As I was saying, I think you're being very unfair to Nena. After all, she's grown up

FRANCISCO. Petra, my dear, virtue is ageless.

PETRA. I know that, Francisco, but chaperoning is rather old-fashioned.

FRANCISCO. Old-fashioned, maybe, in some other civilized countries.

PETRA. But isn't the Philippines civilized?

PETRA. Anyhow our women can take care of themselves.

FRANCISCO. Are you sure?

PETRA. Especially if they've received an education. For instance, our Nena is, in her senior year in education at the University of Santo Tomas. She's even taking some courses in home economics.

FRANCISCO. I suppose that makes her immune from any moral falls.

PETRA. Moral falls, Francisco! Ay, que exagerada naman tu! No,. what I mean is that Nena is better educated and more enlightened to take care of herself.

According to Fetterly (1978) “Our literature neither leaves women alone nor allows them to participate.” “Wanted: A Chaperon” opened the door to women, not only to participate but also to be heard and be equally respected by men. They are also presented with pride and confidence, characteristics which are usually attributed to men, but are vested among women characters in this text as manifested by the following lines from women characters vis-à-vis critical interpretations:

“Anyhow our women can take care of themselves… our Nena is, in her senior year in education at the University of Santo Tomas. She's even taking some courses in home economics… I suppose that makes her immune from any moral falls.” (Doña Petra) Such pronouncement manifests women’s pride. It realizes a reality that a woman can achieve certain level of confidence if the society will give her an opportunity to improve, especially her education. This attests what Millett (1969) lamented that: “sex role assigns domestic service and attendance upon infants to the female, the rest of human achievement, interest, and ambition to the male.” This also open’s the readers awareness of what a woman can do and her great potentials. Moreover, it has been said, “But first we must ask: what is a woman? ‘Tota mulier in utero’, says one, ‘woman is a womb’. But in speaking of certain women, connoisseurs declare that they are not women, although they are equipped with a uterus like the rest.” (Beauvoir, 1949). Thus, Dorothy Parker has written, as quoted by Beauvoir (1949), “I cannot be just to books which treat of woman as woman ... My idea is that all of us, men as well as women, should be regarded as human beings.” These arguments clarify women’s capability to improve her self and to uplift her status. They can achieve what men can because men and women are equal—both are human beings with equal capacities and capabilities.

“But there's nothing wrong, Father. After all I’m an educated girl.” (Nena). This passage shows a woman’s capacity to stand for her self, to make decisions of her own and to take a full responsibility for her life. Simone de Beauvoir in The Second Sex (1949), upon questioning the wrong assumptions against women says, “‘Woman is losing her way, woman is lost.’ One wonders if women still exist, if they will always exist, whether or not it is desirable that they should, what place they occupy in this world, what their place should be. ‘What has become of women?’” Nena’s line reinforces a woman against such skepticism. She guarantees the world of what a woman is and what she could become.

“(To ROBERTING) Don't you dare touch my son! Che! (To FRANCISCO) You should advise your daughter to stop going to parties unchaperoned! People gossip and include my son!” (Doña Dolores.) Such dialogue manifests courage. According to Fetterly (1978), “…it is necessary to grasp the fundamental fact that women have had the power of naming stolen from us.” The line addressed to Roberting manifests a woman’s desire and willingness to protect her loved one (by all possible means) if a threatening situation arises, and the next line addressed to Francisco highlights women’s capability to give sound advice—one that is based in logical reasoning, thus giving her the courage to even impose it. Such behavior is usually manifested by men and is believed to be an attribute of the male gender. Thus, Mary Daly as quoted by Fetterly said, “Women are now realizing that the universal imposing of names by men has been false because partial. That is, inadequate words have been taken as adequate.” Women, as manifested by Doña Dolores’s dialogue are now beginning to regain things that they really possess but were not realized before.

According to Millet (1969), “As to status, a pervasive assent to the prejudice of male superiority guarantees superior status in the male, inferior in the female…” Fetterly (1978), on looking at how women are viewed and treated in the society lamented, “Bereft, disinherited, cast out, woman is the Other, the Outsider, a mourner among children; never really child because never allowed to be fully self-indulgent; never really adult because never permitted to be fully responsible; forever a "young mourner," a "little woman"; superhuman, subhuman but never simply human.” And as a response to de Beauvoir’s (1949) argument, “If her functioning as a female is not enough to define woman, if we decline also to explain her through ‘the eternal feminine’, and if nevertheless we admit, provisionally, that women do exist, then we must face the question ‘what is a woman’?” “Wanted: A Chaperon” calls for the reader to realize the essentiality of giving the female gender what is worth for them. The portrayal of women as characterized by Doña Petra, Doña Dolores and Nena, in this drama, deviates from the pre-imposed expectations of the patriarchal society from women. This signals the readiness of the female gender to stand and fight for a change. Eyes have been opened and falsities are clearly seen. Thus according to Cynthia Ozick as quoted by Fetterly (1978) says, “A culture which does not allow itself to look clearly at the obvious through the universal accessibility of art is a culture of tragic delusion, hardly viable.” Moreover, as supported Fetterly (1978) also quoted Adrienne Rich who said, “A radical critique of literature, feminist in its impulse, would take the work first of all as a clue to how we live, how we have been living, how we have been led to imagine ourselves, how our language has trapped as well as liberated us; and how we can begin to see--and therefore live--afresh.”

The following conversation marks the awareness of women on what is going on in human society, and their readiness to criticize it in order to open the eyes of everyone for a change:

PETRA I know a place where the children work and don't give their-parents any money and still ask for their allowance.

                FRANCISCO. Were?

PETRA. In the Philippines.

Women are now empowered. The female gender is ready to take the challenge of initiating change. They are ready to be heard, they have something to say. The Bible says, from John 4:35: “…then comes the harvest? Behold, I say to you, lift up your eyes and look on the fields, that they are white for harvest. The message is clear; thus according to Kate Millett, “When a system of power is thoroughly in command, it has scarcely need to speak itself aloud; when its workings are exposed and questioned, it becomes not only subject to discussion, but even to change.”

Conclusion

de Beauvoir (1949) exposed the idea that “woman is a womb” as it was viewed predominantly by the masculinist society. It has been the advocacy of feminist to correct this view and educate the entire human race that woman is more than just a woman. The bottom line of all the argument is the recognition of gender equality between the male and the female, and the abolition of the morals which has been established by the patriarchal system. “Wanted: A Chaperon” successfully presented women in a distinct lens and perspective. This drama portrayed woman with power, courage, authority, prestige, intelligence and stability. It also manifested a liberal society which listens, and treats women with equality; double standards have been dismantled and both genders, male and female, are treated with realistic dignity. Thus according to Fetterly (1978), “Re-vision--the act of looking back, of seeing with fresh eyes, of entering an old text from a new critical direction--is for us more than a chapter in cultural history: it is an act of survival.”

References:

de Beauvoir, Simone. (1949). The second sex. Retrieved from:

http://marxistsfr.org/reference/subject/ethics/de-beauvoir/2nd-sex/index.htm

Fetterley, Judith. (1978). The resisting reader A feminist approach to American fiction.

USA: Indiana University Press.

Guerrero, Wilfredo Ma. (Wanted: a chaperon. Retrieved from: 

http://upreplib.tripod.com/chaperon.htm

Millett, Kate, (1969) Theory of sexual politics. Retrieved at:

http://marxistsfr.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/us/millett.htm